It is specially on these grounds that I make a personal plea for the maximum degree of solidarity in political leadership in the handling of This Rhodesian Crisis.
As we go through the Rhodesian Crisis, let no one be fooled that many Rhodesians have not been encouraged by the actions we have taken and the attitude towards immigration developing this country.
He writes:Concerned at continuing reports of possible disagreement over Government actions in connection with the Rhodesian Crisis, I want you to know that here at least are two of your constituents who agree with the policy and support the actions taken so far.
Indeed, the Prime Minister expressed his fear on 23rd November about the multi-racial Commonwealth disappearing under the weight of the Rhodesian Crisis.
We were told that the Rhodesian Crisis was a strictly domestic Anglo-Rhodesian matter, but at the United Nations when we could not get our resolution accepted we found ourselves, in the view of the Government, obliged to accept the resolution moved by two other Powers, even in circumstances where our French allies thought it wrong even to vote at all.
Both in Kenya and in Tanzania Europeans have expressed their concern about the Rhodesian Crisis.
If they have not, then there is something wrong with what we have been told about B.P. The momentum of the Rhodesian Crisis is mounting.
I hope that we shall get through the whole of This Rhodesian Crisis without a Division in the House.
I apologise for keeping the House from its main business for a few moments longer, but I share the anxiety of many of my hon. Friends that we should be asked to go into Recess for so long at a time when the Rhodesian Crisis is deepening in the way it is.
I hope that even at this late hour the Leader of the Opposition will feel able to advise his party that there is now no need to take the very grave step of voting against the Government and breaking national unity over the handling of the Rhodesian Crisis.
Would not the right hon. and learned Gentleman agree that the importance of judicial links between Commonwealth countries has been dramatically demonstrated by the Rhodesian Crisis?
Mr. Wall asked the Secretary of State for Defence what is the estimated monthly cost of the British military measures in connection with the Rhodesian Crisis.
I wish to say something about sterling, not just on the main issue, but about some of the side-effects of the Rhodesian Crisis.
I think that tonight, in the continuing Rhodesian Crisis, we may be at a turning point.
In recent weeks we have been faced by a dangerous, escalating situation arising from the Rhodesian Crisis.
The programme was crowded and became much more crowded with the Rhodesian Crisis, and the need to pass the emergency legislation through Parliament at short notice.
If one is talking about the moral credit of British Governments, I would draw the attention of the House to the response that we have received from the international community in our handling of the Rhodesian Crisis and over the imposition of sanctions on the illegal régime in Rhodesia.
Surely the rise in copper prices was fore-seen just as soon as the Rhodesian Crisis broke.
I believe that whatever may be the developments in the Rhodesian Crisis, this Statutory Instrument, which will in effect renew the 1965 legislation, will be directly referrable to that Act.
If the continued flow of oil and the only, or main, obstacle to the efficacy of sanctions were the continued supply of oil along that railway route, would it seriously be said that the preservation of that railway route was more important than the bloodless settlement of the Whole Rhodesian Crisis?
The Rhodesian Crisis, which we are all determined to make certain ends in the way that we want with the six principles carried out, was another factor.
He said that there was no longer a case for British defence activities outside Europe and then confessed that he would have used paratroopers to solve the Rhodesian Crisis.
Since the Prime Minister has told us that the estimate of the cost of the Rhodesian Crisis which he gave to the Commonwealth Prime Ministers has proved too high, why does he so doggedly- [Laughter.
Whatever the issues and rights or wrongs about the Rhodesian Crisis, can it be right to punish children for the failure of Her Majesty's Government's policies?
Is my right hon. Friend aware that there is widespread support for any policy designed to deal effectively with the Rhodesian Crisis but that there is anxiety in the present economic situation lest the sanctions policy proves abortive?
To ask the Prime Minister whether he will make a statement on the latest developments in the Rhodesian Crisis.
it was a white diplomat, a man of great experience and authority in Zambia, who, in discussing the problem, said to me that in order to regain control of the Rhodesian Crisis it would be necessary to regain the levers of power and, to regain the levers of power, there was now no alternative but the use of military force.
The feeble suggestions which the Leader of the Opposition has placed before us today as the basis for further action to solve the Rhodesian Crisis are already rejected by the African countries in and out of the Commonwealth.
It seems to me that there are two aspects to the Rhodesian Crisis.
The continuance of the Rhodesian Crisis is damaging to both our countries.
The position of the Government and the Prime Minister has been consistent throughout the Rhodesian Crisis.
In this debate and every other debate we have had in this House throughout the Rhodesian Crisis we have been debating the will: whether we have the will to solve this crisis or not.
Perhaps one of the most serious criticisms of the Government is that, throughout the Rhodesian Crisis, they have failed to deploy effectively, in terms of the education of British public opinion, the mass of detailed evidence available of the human stories, the human tragedies, involved for the ordinary people of Rhodesia in the system which is followed by the Smith régime.
When we consider the adequacy or in-adequacy of our own policy towards Rhodesia, we should, as members of the Commonwealth, never forget the strains put upon people in other Commonwealth countries as a result of the Rhodesian Crisis.
At that time the reason was the Rhodesian Crisis with the Zambian copper mines.
It is unrealistic to think that there can be a peaceful settlement of the Rhodesian Crisis without the involvement of the Patriotic Front.
We on the Conservative Benches naturally recognise fully the vital importance of the Commonwealth and our relations with all its African members, but is not the right hon. Gentleman aware of the grave anxieties that exist, not only about the terms but about the implications of this arrangement within the context of the Rhodesian Crisis and the central aim of Her Majesty's Government to bring peace as soon as possible to that land?
Today and tomorrow we are concerned with the Whole Rhodesian Crisis and the future of that country.
However, as I have said, we do not regard it as satisfactory that this report can be debated in depth and detail as part of a general debate on the Rhodesian Crisis.
The Rhodesian Crisis is a national crisis and it is an international crisis, and, speaking from the Opposition Front Bench today, I have treated it as such.
But I am absolutely convinced that if a significant number of Members were to vote tomorrow against the continuance of sanctions the effect would be quite contrary to our real interests, quite contrary to the policy which the Governments of both parties have pursued, and quite contrary to the basis on which Conservative policy has been formulated ever since the beginning of the Rhodesian Crisis.
Some of us implored our Conservative colleagues, 13 years ago, whatever their views might be about the Rhodesian Crisis, to have nothing to do with a policy that must fail.
Are we to feel confident about the Government's foreign policy - about the Foreign Secretary's handling of the Rhodesian Crisis?